THE
2002 NATIONAL HEALTH POLICY CONFERENCE
Washington D.C., 16-17 January 2002
Sponsored
by the Academy for Health Services Research and Health Policy and
Health Affairs
In
the aftermath of September 11, a changed policy environment presented
itself at the 2002 National Health Policy Conference, held in Washington
by Health
Affairs and the Academy for Health Services Research and Health
Policy, 16-17 January 2002. Against a backdrop of recession and
pinched public budgets, bioterrorism preparedness has eclipsed other
priorities and pre-9/11 issues struggle for attention. But a new
emphasis on building the public health infrastructure emerged during
the conference as a theme that connects the new policy agenda to
concerns that preceded it.
Wednesday,
January 16
Jeffrey Koplan, director of the Centers for Disease Control
and Prevention, introduced the theme in remarks opening the conference
on 16 January, and it continued to resonate thereafter. Preparedness
for a bioterrorist attack requires deployment of epidemiologists,
supplies of vaccines and antibiotics, adequate laboratories, surveillance
capabilities, information systems, and communications capabilities.
These are all the same elements that are needed for routine public
health activities such as monitoring emergent infectious diseases,
detecting environmental health threats, tracking disease patterns,
and improving public safety. "It's a dual system," Koplan
said. "As we improve our capability for bioterrorist events,
it is not a preparation that only looks at the unlikely but disastrous.
It's something that can be used on a day-in and day-out basis."
A long history of underinvestment in public health is partly a result
of the diffuse and poorly understood range of activities it encompasses,
he explained. Interventions may include water quality, improved
sanitation, safe foods, workplace and vehicle safety, fire safety,
lead abatement, immunizations, tobacco use, and a variety of disease
prevention activities at the interface of public health and medical
care--promotion of physical activity, for example, or prevention
and primary care related to heart disease, stroke, diabetes, and
infectious diseases.
"The nation's desire to prepare for wartime threats places
us on the verge of the largest investment in public health infrastructure
in history," Koplan concluded. "We must ensure that today's
investments build a healthier tomorrow, not just protecting us from
terrorism, but protecting us from the threats we all face to our
health every day." (Transcripts, webcasts, and other resource
materials from the conference are available at www.academyhealth.org
and at www.kaisernetwork.org.)
Thomas Scully, administrator of the Centers for Medicare
and Medicaid Services (CMS), followed Dr. Koplan with an overview
of the Bush administration's thinking about the agency's agenda.
Health and Human Services Secretary Tommy Thompson has a high opinion
of the CMS staff but gave Scully a mandate "to change the place
and shake it up" because of the perception of providers and
the public that it is a slow-moving and unresponsive bureaucracy,
and because constant criticism has put the staff on the defensive.
Changing the agency's name (from the Health Care Financing Administration)
was a symbolic first step. A $30 million ad campaign featuring comedian
Leslie Nielson has generated 65,000 calls a day to a beneficiary
hotline. Streamlining the CMS's system of fifty-one private contractors
that administer the Medicare program is a further objective, although
contractor reform stalled in the Senate in 2001 after passing the
House. Scully has also created eleven "open-door" policy
groups to meet with CMS leaders to air concerns on issues such as
rural health, nursing homes, home health, and long-term care. But
Scully acknowledged that the CMS programs are "a big, big ship
to turn" and that change will come slowly. "I'm just a
temp," he joked.
Other administration priorities reflect long-standing bipartisan
aspirations: providing consumers with improved information about
the quality of plans and providers; expanding coverage of the uninsured;
and finding a way to add a drug benefit to Medicare. But the scenarios
are less expansive than they were at the first AHSRHP-Health
Affairs national policy conference a year ago. Thompson recently
announced a state demonstration project to publish in major newspapers
comparative outcomes data on nursing homes in six states and to
do likewise with home health agencies in the future. The National
Health Quality Forum is helping with the metrics.
The administration has sought a middle ground between the positions
that have divided Congress on a Medicare drug benefit, in terms
of the relationship between such a benefit and proposals to restructure
the balance between the fee-for-service program and private plans,
Scully said. The administration's discount card proposal is seen
as a "building block" toward a new benefit, offering short-term
group-purchasing leverage to individual beneficiaries who are now
grossly disadvantaged by retail prices. But infrastructure, expertise,
and actuarial data are not yet adequate to launch a full-scale benefit,
and a gradual approach is in order, he said, without raising the
issue of cost or budgetary constraints.
Scully said that he did not know how large the administration's
likely tax-credit package for the uninsured will be in its upcoming
budget proposal ("I wouldn't tell you if I could"), but
that last year's $100 billion proposal indicated the president's
level of concern. A "huge philosophical debate" continues
between Republicans and Democrats on coverage strategies, "and
this is what melted down the uninsured package before Christmas,"
he noted, referring to unsuccessful negotiations on an economic
stimulus package at the end of the 2001 congressional session.
Gov. John Kitzhaber, representing the perspective of the
states, extrapolated from Oregon's unique experience with Medicaid
to probe the dormant issue of comprehensive national reform and
universal coverage. In his dual career as a legislator and emergency
physician, Kitzhaber participated in trimming Medicaid eligibility
and then treated critically ill patients who wound up in the emergency
room as a result of lacking coverage. "What kind of system
would pay to treat someone's stroke in the hospital but not to manage
their blood pressure in the community?" he asked, later mocking
a categorical entitlement system that presumes "to differentiate
between the deserving poor and the undeserving poor."
Incremental changes such as a Medicare drug benefit or patients'
bill of rights do not represent health system reform, Kitzhaber
asserted. "It's about ensuring a floor of basic and primary
and preventive care" for forty million uninsured people, he
said, alluding to the Oregon model, "and applying limited public
resources to those services which produce the greater health gain
for those who depend on publicly subsidized health care." Although
his criticism of Medicare raised a few eyebrows, Kitzhaber's appeal
received an enthusiastic response from an audience of about 600.
Former U.S. Surgeon General Antonia Novello, now New York
State's health commissioner, wrapped up the conference's opening
session with a whirlwind tour of New York's response to the September
11 World Trade Center attacks that put local, state, and federal
interactions; emergency preparedness; and the public health infrastructure
all in a common nexus. New York had the advantage not only of deep
public pockets and 66,000 hospital beds but a series of earlier
emergencies--the previous World Trade Center attack, West Nile virus,
meningitis, malaria, an ice storm, and a diarrhea epidemic--that
tested and trained responders.
Some of the logistics: managing 50,000 doses of tetanus vaccine;
deploying 525 ambulances; ordering 72,000 physicians to treat presenting
patients regardless of coverage; creating a system of emergency
Medicaid eligibility; coordinating identification of casualties;
creating a special EKG unit for mushrooming chest pain cases; ramping
up disease surveillance around ground zero; ensuring safe food for
rescue workers and other volunteers; restoring electric service
and safe water; monitoring air quality and exposure to dust, smoke,
and fumes; and environmental testing for asbestos, dust, silica,
metals, carbon monoxide, benzene, dioxide.
"Then anthrax came to New York," Novello continued, in
her breathtaking litany. State labs tested more than 1,000 powder
specimens, but communications was the biggest challenge--collecting
information for the public and for providers, and underscoring the
need for interconnecting data systems that allow public health officials
to understand the scope of a bioterrorist attack. Novello identified
surveillance capabilities, surge capacity at health facilities,
an adequate workforce, appropriate public health laws, emergency
communications, agency and jurisdictional coordination, and laboratories
and pharmaceutical supplies as the factors on which future preparedness
depends.
Former HHS Assistant Secretary Margaret Hamburgdescribed
in more general terms the continuing threat of bioterrorism and
some of its policy implications. "Lights and sirens" won't
signal these attacks, but unusual cases turning up in doctor's offices,
clinics, and emergency rooms will. Delays in diagnosis will occur.
Symptoms will be unfamiliar to providers. Continuing contagion or
exposure may protract the attack. The ability to "detect, investigate,
and respond" will require trained personnel, lab capacity,
and communications systems that link different levels of government
and the health system. Hamburg stressed the need, arising from the
disconnect between public health and medicine, "to really inform
physicians about their roles and responsibility in terms of disease
reporting and connection with the health department," and public
health's responsibility to be informed and available when doctors
call.
The right legal framework matters, too, she said, including authority
to quarantine but also protection of civil liberties. Coordination
of medical capabilities, whether it be pharmaceutical supplies or
medical personnel, requires regional and intergovernmental collaboration,
since every community can't afford surge capacity and stockpiles.
Hamburg noted the tension between business pressure to downsize
and new concerns about capacity, partly in the form of hospitals'
fear of being left to pick up the tab when they volunteer facilities
and payroll during crises--unless emergency reimbursement arrangements
are put in place. To tend the interface between public health and
security concerns, she suggested appointing a medical official to
the National Security Council.
The theme of synthesizing emergency preparedness with long-term
public health infrastructure needs was pursued further in a workshop
led by Allan Rosenfield, dean at Columbia University's Mailman
School of Public Health. The local infrastructure is the most critical
piece of the system, but the least well recognized and understood,
said workshop presenter Dean Rosen, minority staff director
on the public health subcommittee of the Senate Committee on Health,
Education, Labor, and Pensions. In the wake of a 1995 Sarin gas
attack in Tokyo and insistent appeals by Surgeon General David Satcher,
the U.S. began ramping up spending on bioterrorism, from about $90
million in 1998 to $500 million in 2001, he said. HHS received an
additional $2.6 billion after September 11, and Secretary Thompson
announced shortly after the conference that $1.1 billion of that
amount will go to state and local public health departments. Another
$1 billion is earmarked for smallpox vaccine, research, food safety,
and intergovernmental communications; and $135 million is designated
for hospitals, according to news reports. This scheme lends itself
to the kind of dual-purpose spending suggested by Koplan and Hamburg,
Rosen noted. But a local board of health representative expressed
worries about sustaining infrastructure investments, particularly
for trained personnel, and the difficulties state and local jurisdictions
will have at a time of severely stressed budgets making commitments
to fund staff increases over time unless further federal support
is assured.
Connecticut Health Commissioner Joxel Garcia said that his
state had implemented an emergency health alert network in 1999
and conducted bioterrorism training for staff in 2000. On September
14--three days after the World Trade Center attacks--a statewide
hospital admissions surveillance system was implemented, requiring
all hospitals to report data on a daily basis. In October, after
the first anthrax mailings occurred, hospital surveillance was upgraded,
and Post Office facilities were tested. On November 14 a Connecticut
woman was hospitalized for a suspected anthrax infection, which
was confirmed several days later, and on November 21 she died. Connecticut's
preparations allowed the state to respond rapidly to the emergency,
but Garcia said that further integration of the surveillance system
and other improvements are still needed.
Carmella Bocchino, vice-president for medical affairs of
the American Association of Health Plans, focused on the need to
coordinate activities of public health agencies with the private
sector including physicians, clinics, urgent care centers, hospital
emergency rooms, health plans, and nurse telephone call lines. Patterns
of complaints presenting in ambulatory settings predict future hospitalizations,
Bocchino said, suggesting the value of collecting intelligence from
nurse call lines prior to encounters, creating an important coordination
role for health plans. The research and planning agenda for future
preparedness should include creating protocols for extracting data
from these call lines, standardizing syndrome descriptions, developing
software to support these efforts, creating standard report formats,
and testing implementation of these procedures.
A workshop on prescription drugs was led by Stanley Wallack,
director of the Schneider Institute for Health Policy at Brandeis
University, who presented an overview detailing the increase in
the use and cost of pharmaceuticals and posing the central problem
of how to assess the health benefits and avoided medical costs they
confer relative to spending increases. (Several articles on this
subject appeared in the Sep/Oct 2001 issue of Health Affairs,
volume 20, number 5, and can be viewed at www.healthaffairs.org.
Two slide presentations from the workshop are available at www.academyhealth.org
or www.kaisernetwork.org.)
Barrett Toan, president and CEO of Express Scripts, one of
the largest U.S. pharmacy benefit managers, described the evolution
of private drug benefit management from early coinsurance and deductibles
to flat copays to two-tier copays encouraging generic use in the
mid-1980s and three-tier copays beginning in the mid-1990s, differentiating
between generics, formulary brands, and off-formulary brands. Current
arrangements give patients more choices and financial responsibility
but may inhibit optimal treatment or burden some patients unduly,
Toan suggested. But Express Scripts has not found evidence of adverse
outcomes from three-tier copays in its research. The company is
assessing four-tier models that would distinguish products of proven
effectiveness.
John Ogden, chief consultant for pharmacy benefit management
for the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA), and Sharon Levine,
associate executive director of the Permanente Medical Group,
both described the benefits of large, tightly organized formulary
systems in their respective organizations. The VA moved to a national
formulary in 1996-97, allowing more uniform and evidence-based evaluation
and improved patient safety, as well as reduced costs. A national
utilization database helped the VA build a formulary rooted in local
practice patterns and has about 90 percent formulary compliance
across its system, a model that Ogden said could be useful for Medicare.
Levine emphasized the importance of medical group culture and intensive
patient and physician education--including "counter-detailing"--in
making the Kaiser system work. For example, Cox-II drugs account
for only 6 percent of prescriptions in their class at Kaiser, compared
with a 55 percent average across the health system.
Leading off a workshop on trends in employer-sponsored and individual
insurance markets, Helen Darling, president of the Washington
Business Group on Health, saw "no end in sight" to renewed
double-digit cost increases, as employees age and new therapies
proliferate, while managed care retreats and the delivery system
is "in turmoil." A Watson Wyatt survey of 200 employers
with 1.4 million employees found that 56 percent of employers will
increase workers' cost sharing and 70 percent will increase retiree
contributions. Only 9 percent said that they were likely to manage
care more aggressively; only 20 percent said that they were likely
or somewhat likely to pursue "defined contribution" strategies,
Darling said.
Jon Gabel, vice-president of the Health Research and Educational
Trust, reviewed additional data on resurgent costs, including an
increase in PPO market share from 38 percent in 1999 to 48 percent
in 2001; he described managed care as an economic success but a
political failure. The next phase in cost management strategies,
he surmised, might be described as "consumer-driven health
care," a term that somewhat ironically denotes increased cost
sharing but also means increased choices and more individualized
and Internet-enabled products. Increased financial responsibility
ought to promote competition and cost-consciousness on the demand
side but, on the downside, taxes the sick, breaks down risk pools,
and does little to promote appropriate care. Tiered network products
and personal spending accounts will likely gain market share. The
new approach may restrain drug spending but not hospital costs.
Deborah Chollet, a senior fellow at Mathematica Policy Research,
followed with a review of the individual market, which ranges from
7 percent to 15 percent of nonelderly coverage, tends to enroll
an older- and poorer-than-average population, and exhibits wide
price variations. The market is unstable because it is conditioned
by the ebb and flow of group coverage and because most carriers
are small and financially fragile. It is less protected by the Health
Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA) than the small-group
market is, although some states fill the gap with guaranteed-issue
rules, high-risk pools, or some rate regulation, or a combination.
But the individual market is likely to "hit the wall"
in the future, Chollet warned, because of early retirement and other
job changes for baby boomers, insurer concentration, benefit reductions,
and increasing affordability problems. HIPAA may have to be revisited.
And "part of the conversation we're not having about refundable
tax credits is what it takes to make them work," Chollet said,
referring to the many challenges for this market.
Alan Guttmacher, senior clinical adviser to the director
of the National Human Genome Research Institute at the National
Institutes of Health (NIH), gave conference participants a chance
to step back from the grinding details of policymaking and contemplate
the future horizons of medicine. In contrast to "the old genetics,"
which addressed a small number of rare conditions solely and directly
determined by chromosomal abnormalities and was the province of
a few highly specialized clinicians, the emerging field of genomic
medicine is concerned with a huge variety of genetic mechanisms
and interactions that play a role in almost all of the most prevalent
diseases the flesh is heir to. In the future, Guttmacher said, "Genetics
care will be supplied
primarily by primary care providers
and other non-genetics specialists." Increased understanding
of these mechanisms will lead to new ways of defining disease by
their causes rather than by their symptoms. Genetic screening will
broaden opportunities for preventive care as well as enabling individualized
diagnostics and therapeutics. Among the new concerns being raised
by genomic medicine are discrimination, confidentiality, access
to new tools, defining and ensuring informed consent, patents, and
licenses, he cautioned, concluding with former President Clinton's
comment that "it is now conceivable that our children's children
will know the term cancer only as a constellation of stars."
Diane Rowland, executive vice-president of the Kaiser Family
Foundation, introduced the first day's final panel of pollsters
by observing that health care issues are reemerging on the public's
radar screen after a temporary, post-9/11 eclipse, as shown in a
recent poll by Robert Blendon (at healthaffairs.org/WebExclusives/Blendon_Web_Exclusive_011602.htm)
and in other surveys. Rising premiums, the uninsured, drug costs,
and Medicare drug coverage are among the more prominent concerns,
although action on the uninsured won't become a priority unless
there is a deepening recession, and there is little realistic prospect
for action on a Medicare drug benefit in the absence of a federal
budget surplus.
Democratic
pollster Celinda Lake, president of Lake Snell Perry and
Associates, said that education has risen in prominence as terrorism
recedes but that health care remains a potent issue for Democrats.
Most voters are insured, but the threat of recession and unemployment
keeps the coverage issue alive in the back of their minds, as it
did in the early 1990s. Voters know that the surplus is gone and
support military spending; they also know now that most of the uninsured
have jobs and worry more about losing coverage than losing their
jobs. They know more about what COBRA is than they once did and
are concerned about any new burdens on business that might affect
their coverage, which contributes to a supportive attitude toward
tax cuts. At the same time, trust in government has returned to
its highest levels since before Vietnam and Watergate, Lake said.
Running against government has lost currency.
Republican Bill McInturff, partner and founder of Public
Opinion Strategies, said that anti-HMO feeling has past its peak
and no longer drives the public's health agenda. More than 30 percent
still want "radical" changes in the health system, with
a higher percentage of women so inclined, but concerns are focused
on premium increases, drug costs, cost sharing, and benefit reductions.
Seniors are overwhelmingly opposed to changing Medicare but worry
about supplemental benefit costs and drug coverage. The body politic
can only tolerate one health care issue per election cycle, McInturff
said, and that issue is likely to be Medicare drugs again this year
as it was in 2000, despite the lack of money. Voters trust government
with this benefit better more than with a voucher system. Republicans
won't want to go into this year's election without having done something
in health, and a Medicare prescription discount card may best answer
this need. A liberal Democratic presidential candidate with big
ideas about health care might do well in Iowa and New Hampshire
in 2004, he said, but if that candidate also appears to have "anti-war"
ideas, it is Republicans who will benefit.
Increased mental health parity is an issue that had momentum before
September 11, which will be hard to regain given the public's current
sense of limits, he said. The public health infrastructure, a subject
with almost no public visibility, might now translate into concern
about issues such as safe food and water that would bridge the prevailing
mood of security-consciousness with areas of traditional Democratic
strength, Lake said.
Day one ended with presentation of the Academy Chair Award for outstanding
contributions to the fields of health services research and/or health
policy to John Eisenberg, administrator of the Agency for Health
Research and Quality, who has made both. In his remarks, Dr. Eisenberg
stressed the need to build the moorings of the bridge between research
and policy, with evidence-based research to strengthen informed
policymaking.
Thursday, January 17
The second day's proceedings began with a panel of four congressional
staffers, who offered their guarded prognoses on how the health
agenda is likely to play in the upcoming election year. Dean
Rosen, Republican staff director for the Senate HELP public
health subcommittee, said that Congress in 2002--as the dust settles
from September 11 and preexisting issues reemerge--resembles "sort
of a weird party where you wake up the next morning and a lot of
the guests are still there." In the Senate, 2001 had been "very,
very strange," beginning with an agenda topped by Medicare
reform, prescription drugs, the uninsured, and the patients' bill
of rights. But a 50-50 split and attempts at power sharing had given
way to a new Democratic majority after Sen. Jim Jeffords left the
Republicans. Then a controversy over stem-cell research had taken
over the agenda, followed by the terrorist attacks. Bioterrorism
and concerns about displaced workers then became the top priorities,
and other health issues stalled.
In 2002 election politics will loom large. Government is divided,
margins are very close in both houses, and "we're back to deficit
politics," Rosen noted. Workforce bills and renewal of the
Prescription Drug User Fee Act are on the agenda along with old
business from last year, including a stimulus package, which bogged
down over health insurance coverage for the newly unemployed. But
Deborah Williams of the House Ways & Means Republican
staff did not share Rosen's cautious optimism about the prospects
for bipartisan cooperation under these exacting circumstances. "Even
where the House and Senate are very close, on patients' bill of
rights, for instance," she said, "we haven't seen much
cooperation."
Democrats on the morning panel responded positively to Williams'
suggestion that "we would really like to put medical error
reporting and medical errors back in the forefront." But divisions
over use of tax credits for the uninsured still loom large, she
said, and "it's going to be politics rather than facts that
dominate that discussion." Similarly, Republicans and Democrats
seem to have irreconcilable differences about whether a Medicare
prescription drug benefit must be conditional on restructuring of
how the program pays for fee-for-service and private plan care.
"Competitive bidding really is the correct approach,"
she said, but "I know it will be difficult to come up with
a methodology." Nevertheless, Williams said, "We believe
we will find enough money" despite budget constraints.
Debbie Curtis, minority member of the Ways and Means Health
Subcommittee staff, called the drug benefit "absolutely a priority
for us." But Democrats don't think that "the experience
of the Medicare+Choice program since 1997 should be a building block";
and House Democrats view the president's discount card proposal
as "a free way to look like you're doing something." Democrats
agree about the need for regulatory relief and contractor reform,
though, and hope to see the bipartisanship that attended these issues
in 2001 renewed. Provider payment concerns including Medicare's
scheduled 15 percent cut in home health payments and sustainable
growth rate reductions in physician payment will be difficult to
deal with, Curtis predicted. Bipartisan agreement on direct-to-consumer
drug advertising and medical error reporting might be possible.
But tax credits that rely on individual coverage remain suspect
for Democrats.
Elizabeth Fowler, health counsel for Senate Finance Committee
Democrats, expressed "trepidation" about stop-gap coverage
protections for displaced workers as part of an economic stimulus
package, since negotiations over these provisions were what hung
up the package in 2001. But she said that despite concerns about
the tax credit mechanism, Finance chair Max Baucus was open to discussing
subsidies that allowed individuals to buy into group coverage, as
long as risk rating was prohibited. Apart from stop-gap measures,
coverage expansions via Medicaid or SCHIP-related programs will
be more difficult in 2002 than 2001 because of "the looming
budget crisis" in the states. The sticking points over prescription
drug coverage that Fowler emphasized were related to the role of
private insurers in drug benefit management. Among Medicare reforms,
the issues in the Senate are proposed cost sharing and Medigap changes.
Senate Democrats are open to the discount card proposal but are
concerned that it might "take the wind out of the sails of
actually enacting a Medicare benefit."
Gail Wilensky, senior fellow at Project HOPE, former MedPAC
chair, and former HCFA administrator, introduced a panel on "the
economy, health costs, and the future" with a concise review
of the past decade's cost and cost-control patterns. The slowing
of cost growth in the mid-1990s was the result of both aggressive
spending controls, by first the private and then the public sector,
and a vibrant economy that grew the denominator of the growth rate
while controls held the numerator in check. Resurgent cost growth--a
cyclical phenomenon in health care after intervals of restraint--has
been aggravated by an economic downturn, an inverse "double-whammy"
that has the health care share of GDP again on a pace to hit 16
or 17 percent in the coming decade. Before that happens, though,
"we'll probably find ourselves doing something" to stop
it, Wilensky predicted. "I really don't exactly know what
[But] we're not going to end up doing exactly what we did last time."
Bruce Bradley, director of health strategy and policy at
General Motors, the pertinent indicator is not percentage of GDP
but how much faster health costs are increasing than global sales
prices for GM vehicles--"a gap that is broadening very, very
rapidly. A huge crisis, there's no other way to put it." GM,
which spends more than $4 billion yearly on health benefits, works
on multiple fronts, including employee health promotion and community
health and intensive interaction with providers. The company dispatches
"process improvement teams" to hospitals frequented by
its workers to redesign emergency and operating room procedures.
It aims to push providers toward integrated delivery systems and
to push employees into these systems with incentives. Safety and
quality initiatives with delivery systems are part of its value
purchasing strategy, including interventions to reduce waste and
inappropriate care, providing decision-support tools, and tackling
the systems issues that often cause medical errors.
GM spends $1.2 billion a year on prescription drugs--"a huge
challenge for us," Bradley said. An example: Internal data
show that 92 percent of GM workers who use Prilosec had no prior
prescription related to heartburn or related physician diagnosis.
The company spends $52 million a year on this drug. "Does every
single person that's got heartburn need Prilosec?" he asked.
Like Kaiser, GM has experimented with "counter-detailing,"
and Bradley sounded a harsh note on direct-to-consumer advertising.
"The strategy of the drug companies to put fear in the public
to sell drugs is really awful, to be honest." Since the company
spends most of its drug dollar on retirees, GM would like to see
a comprehensive Medicare drug benefit as well as Medicare HMO reform.
But Bradley's take on variations in Medicare+Choice payment was
distinctive. Referring to Robert Berenson's recent M+C proposal
(at
healthaffairs.org/WebExclusives/Berenson_Web_Excl_112801.htm),
he urged Congress to give Medicare the authority to pay HMOs for
quality. "I can tell you the variability in performance of
HMOs across the country from absolutely wonderful plans to awful
is
really huge."
Instead of prognosticating, Congressional Budget Office director
Dan Crippen offered a series of thinking exercises. The current
federal budget outlook is for relatively modest deficits and surpluses
over the next few years--tight, but not terrible, as he put it;
but allowing new programs only at the expense of old ones. Beyond
the next ten years, as baby boomers retire, Crippen said that the
important questions are not about the balances of the Medicare and
Social Security trust funds but "how much do you want your
kids to pay for your retirement?" By 2030, Medicare, Medicaid,
and Social Security will consume a projected 15 percent of the economy,
up from 6 to 7 percent now. Historically, total tax revenues don't
go higher than 18 to 20 percent. "Whether you view it as a
problem or not, we're gonna have a massive shift in fiscal policy,"
he said, either borrowing an unprecedented 8 to 10 percent of GDP
(shifting the burden to our grandchildren); raising taxes by 10
percent of GDP (shifting it to our children); or cutting the three
jumbo programs "by dramatic, drastic amounts" (swallowing
it ourselves).
Strategies for the uninsured--probably fewer than the standard forty
million estimate because of underreporting of Medicaid coverage--should
be broken down into chronic and transitional components, Crippen
said. The transitional group is likely to be larger, and the conventional
options may need reconsideration, he suggested. In Medicare, he
said, although the program has a huge aggregate risk pool of forty
million beneficiaries, average risk is not distributed evenly, and
payment problems are to some extent rooted in the difficulty of
finding the Holy Grail of risk-adjusted payment. Meanwhile, though,
25 percent of beneficiaries spend 90 percent of the dollars, and
if Medicare could focus more effectively on identifying and managing
high-cost patients--chronic and acute--it would not only cut into
these high-end costs but reduce the average risk across the lower
75 percent of the pool.
Hal Luft, director of the Institute for Health Policy Studies
at the University of California, San Francisco, led a workshop on
the implications for researchers of the HIPAA privacy provisions.
To use data from "covered entities" (plans, providers,
and clearinghouses) that include any of the eighteen data elements
deemed as identifying under HIPAA, researchers must obtain a waiver
from the entity certifying minimal risk, explained Jennifer Kulynych,
director of biomedical research at the Association of American Medical
Colleges. The law carries criminal penalties, which are expected
to have a chilling effect on the waiver process, she said, and hospitals
and universities have appealed to HHS to modify the rule.
Mary Durham, director of Kaiser Permanente's Center for Health
Research, said that the HIPAA rules need clarification for research
within covered entities (CEs) as well. An institution's internal
review board (IRB), for example, must track data that have been
disclosed for six years following release and is accountable for
what its business associates do with the data to assure their compliance
with protections. Durham suggested the authorization of data repositories
to fulfill responsibilities beyond the reach of the CEs.
Luft suggested several modifications to improve the balance of research
and privacy needs, including an intermediate level of de-identification
that would not include all eighteen data elements, safe harbor for
CEs from downstream violations, revision of penalties, guidelines
for IRBs, and use of data repositories. Part of the problem with
HIPAA is it deals only with CEs and not the ultimate data users.
But Luft said that once the privacy rules have been debugged, HIPAA's
administrative simplification provisions (data standardization)
will be looked back on as an epochal boon to health services research.
The AHSRHP adopted a policy position in December encouraging some
of the same clarifications discussed in the workshop where current
regulations hinder research without clearly improving privacy protections,
and the Academy plans a member education to help researchers understand
and cope with the rules, which are effective spring of 2003.
Robert Berenson, senior adviser at AHSRHP and former director
of the CMS Center for Health Plans and Providers, opened a workshop
on reforming Medicare with a review of the purposes of Medicare
risk program: to save money, add benefits, increase efficiency,
increase beneficiary choice, influence fee-for-service practice,
promote competition, and enhance innovation. Former CMS administrator
Bruce Vladeck, now director of the Institute for Medicare
Practice at Mt. Sinai School of Medicine, added that further assumptions
underlying the creation of Medicare+Choice in 1997 that program
benefits were outdated and administered prices paid by the fee-for-service
program were probably too high. But traditional Medicare has held
down cost growth since then. Another selling point for M+C was to
reduce pressure from provider groups, Vladeck said, but the new
program has also proved vulnerable to political pressure, especially
from academic health centers and rural interests--not to mention
HMOs.
Gail Wilensky emphasized an inadequate understanding of geographic
variations in practice patterns as the missing factor in reform
of disparate HMO payments. She also endorsed Vladeck's suggestion
that unused monies earmarked for floor payments in rural and other
low-pay counties that have nevertheless not attracted HMOs should
be reallocated to improve payment in high-pay, minimum-update counties
that are losing enrollment. Wilensky and Vladeck also appeared to
agree that the negative SGR update for physicians in the current
year is cause for concern. She reiterated support for raising HMO
payments to 100 percent of fee-for-service rates in the AAPCC formula,
a position adopted by MedPAC when she was chair.
Linda Fishman, special assistant to CMS administrator Tom
Scully, said that the agency expects it will be difficult to get
new money out of Congress for increased HMO payments and that Scully
believes many rural counties will never have HMOs. The CMS plans
regulatory simplification and hopes that data collection for a new
risk-adjustment system will begin next year with implementation
in 2004. Demonstrations are planned to explore ways to smooth the
transition from employer coverage to Medicare, including looser
forms of managed care such as PPOs (which in the private sector
involve risk-sharing arrangements not now permitted in Medicare),
disease management, and case management. Fishman noted that premium
rebates will be permitted starting in 2003, which the CMS sees as
a prelude to competition. Vladeck said that rebates would accelerate
the "ghettoization" of M+C, while Wilensky said that she
approves of the idea but doubts it will make much difference.
In a packed session on issues facing the states, Judy Arnold,
deputy New York State health commissioner, reflected the impact
of recession and September 11 by describing a focus on retaining
coverage. Emergency eligibility procedures have been authorized
for Medicaid and Family Health Plus (the state's coverage expansion
program), waiving documentation and immigration-status requirements--with
40,000 enrollments in New York City under these arrangements. A
recent court decision also has checked restrictions on immigrant
enrollment. Even after increasing state cigarette taxes to $1.80
a pack, the highest rate in the nation, New York is slowing down
other enrollment initiatives planned before 9/11 because of worries
about funding coverage expansions as unemployment rises and revenues
shrink behind the economic downturn--a predicament observed across
the nation in the AHSRHP's recent "State of the States"
report (available at www.statecoverage.net/pdf/stateofstates2002.pdf).
Mark Gibson, policy adviser to Oregon's Governor Kitzhaber,
said that his state has been hit especially hard by the recession
because of its single-source income-tax system, a 7 percent budget
shortfall, and lack of rainy-day funds due to a mandatory surplus
refund law. Since its path-breaking Medicaid innovations in the
early 1990s, Oregon has continued to seek coverage expansions and
is currently pursuing efforts to extend eligibility to 185 percent
of the federal poverty level, which would add 40,000 people to the
subsidy rolls. In accordance with the state's policy emphasis on
extending basic coverage as widely as possible with finite resources,
the expansion is designed to be budget-neutral, with benefit reductions
for nondisabled adults including 5 percent coinsurance for hospitalization.
Kansas Medicaid Director Robert Day said that his state is
facing a $426 million budget deficit. Ninety percent of Kansas Medicaid
funds are spent on the disabled and frail elderly, although SCHIP
enrollment is rising with simplified enrollment and reduced documentation
requirements. But no political agreement has been reached about
the Medicaid program's direction, Day said. Prescription drugs loom
large in the budget crunch, but the pharmaceutical industry has
a powerful ability to block change. Cox-II drugs are Medicaid's
third-highest expenditure, but 8 percent of prescriptions are written
for twice-daily dosage even though Vioxx is a 24-hour pill. The
Medicaid department is working with the state medical society to
regularize prescribing patterns. Remarkably, a tax increase has
been proposed to support higher Medicaid and SCHIP reimbursement
for doctors.
Three retiring leaders were honored as the conference neared conclusion:
Gail Warden of Henry Ford Health System, Steve Schroeder
of the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation, and Tom Frist Jr.
of HCA. Warden issued a somber warning that "there's not much
left to squeeze out" of the health system and that the nation
needs to reexamine the premise that large-pool insurance is the
right way to fund health care. Future reforms will have to be built
on broad consensus, he advised, recalling the piecemeal withdrawal
of stakeholders from the reform movement of the early 1990s. As
a former official of the Group Health Cooperative of Puget Sound,
he believed in the classic HMO model. "But there weren't many
Puget Sounds," and as other plans bent on rapid growth attempted
to clone the model too quickly, the seeds of rebellion were sown,
along with what Warden described as the failure of Medicare HMOs.
Despite the Henry Ford system's accomplishments, the "great
dream" of vertical integration has turned into a disappointment.
The pursuit of quality remains stuck in a "circle of unaccountability,"
and quality improvements will eventually require mandatory measures.
Schroeder looked back with satisfaction at the Johnson foundation's
commitment to reducing use of alcohol and tobacco, especially by
young people, and to efforts to expand physical activity and "social
connection." Tackling the uninsured and inappropriate end-of-life
care has entailed frustration, but the effort continues. Schroeder
registered concern about the invisibility of the coverage issue
to policy leaders, and the invisibility of public health, while
quiet victories in areas such as lead abatement and fluoridation
have been achieved. The effort to reduce health disparities continues,
especially in the health professions. He regretted the lack of honest
dialogue on the tough issues: It was never true during the Clinton
reform debate that universal coverage could be achieved without
more spending or controls. And now again, we are seeking cost relief,
expanded coverage, drug benefits, and new technology while demoralization
stalks the health professions and concerns about quality and error
mount.
The oracular Dr. Frist, who was called out of his first retirement
to rehabilitate the hospital chain he helped found after it had
fallen into disgrace, said, "I found out it wasn't so bad being
a dinosaur." Even after a period of downsizing and extensive
consolidation, hospitals remain the center of the health system.
"But it's still a cottage industry," he said. Even in
HCA, a $19 billion, 190-hospital system, across-the-board quality
improvements are difficult to implement because of the institutions'
fundamentally local character. "I don't see any value added
in vertical integration," Frist said. Before September 11,
he said, he thought that the nation was within five years of achieving
universal coverage. "Now I don't know where we're headed,"
he confided. Without a major crisis, he doubts that major reform
is likely.
In a final workshop on research and the policy agenda, Stephen
Shortell of the University of California, Berkeley, warned of
the gap between the traditional research orientation, focused on
questions that can be studied and documented with orderly data and
theories, and policymakers' pragmatic need for ad hoc generalizations
and their bias toward action. "Much of our work will often
be ignored," he said, and researchers must be wary of missing
the forest for the trees. "Where is the wisdom lost in knowledge;
where is the knowledge?" he asked, quoting John Eisenberg quoting
T.S. Eliot. But Shortell reaffirmed the research community's ability
to have an impact, citing Lucian Leape's work on medical error and
Robert Brook's work on quality.
Hal Luft listed potentially worthwhile research questions
that emerged from the conference: How does the number of physicians
who take assignment from Medicare vary geographically? What quality
indicators might employers and consumers respond to? How have drug
discount cards worked where they have been used? What has the impact
of managed care been on the structure of the health system in terms
of consolidation or cost savings? How are employers responding to
the current economic slump? If Medicare implements risk adjustment,
how can management of high-cost cases be improved?
Albert Siu of the Mt. Sinai School of Medicine noted some
impacts of research in Medicare, such as use of the Consumer Assessments
of Health Plans (CAHPS) survey, study of information formats for
consumers, development of risk adjustment methodologies, and the
development of information reporting systems for home health and
skilled nursing facilities. The foundation for reporting of information
on quality and satisfaction has been built, but continuing work
is needed to track the impact of these developments and to control
gaming of the systems that have been built, Siu said.
Catherine McLaughlin of the University of Michigan focused
on the uninsured, revisiting Crippen's question about the relative
proportions of episodic and long-term coverage problems. Which industries
are most affected by the current downturn? What is the health status
of the uninsured? How does causation flow: Do workers choose among
available jobs based on whether they carry health benefits or a
relatively higher cash wage? What kinds of jobs and coverage do
women losing eligibility for cash assistance benefits look for?
Intelligent design of strategies for covering the uninsured depends
on the answers to such questions, McLaughlin suggested.
RAND's Nicole Lurie returned to the conference's opening
theme of the relationship between bioterrorism preparedness and
the public health infrastructure. Researchers can contribute to
understanding what building the infrastructure requires. The relationship
between hospitals and public health is one important area. The need
for data-system links into individual physician offices is another.
A third is how to reconcile the imperative to downsize the health
system with the need for surge capacity. How does distrust of the
health system work against responses to bioterrorism? What is to
be done about the worried well who present during crises? Do recent
experiences provide any clues to how mental health problems can
be destigmatized?
ARHQ's Carolyn Clancy closed the conference with a brief
review of research issues on health disparities, seconding Lurie's
comments on evidence of distrust of the system among minority postal
workers who declined anthrax vaccinations. Even if disparities in
access were eliminated, though, disparities in health status would
remain, and research is needed on how the determinants of these
differences can be addressed. The relative impact of medical care,
public health, socioeconomic status, environment, behavior, and
genetics needs to be examined further. Researchers can help understand
the pathways by which factors besides medical care contribute to
health status, and how interventions can be devised that fit these
pathways.
Special issues on nonmedical determinants of health are due from
Health Affairs in March and from Health Services Research
early next year.
Contributed by Health Affairs deputy editor Robert Cunningham.
Special thanks to Lori Achman and Marsha Gold of Mathematica Policy
Research for their indispensible assistance.
©2002
Project HOPEThe People-to-People Health Foundation, Inc.
_______________________________________________________________